Negation patterns across dialects

In this work we consider two opposite sorts of Romance varieties with respect to the negative marker, i.e. an Occitan variety where the preverbal negative marker alone is so much reduced that it can nowadays only occur in some specific syntactic contexts and two Venetan varieties where the preverbal negative marker is so widespread that it even displays strict negative concord. We will show that despite being so different, both types of dialects are sensitive to the modal environment and that the presence of the preverbal negative marker is tied to a subset of non-veridical contexts, i.e. those that contain a [−realis] verbal form.